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EU Sanctions Against Iran: Why They Don't Work

The European Union Expanded Sanctions Against Iran Over the Threat of Strait Blockade, but Experts Call It Political Theater. Iranian Oil Exports Rose, and European Companies Lose Millions. China and Turkey Profit from Circumvention Schemes, and the EU Mission in the Red Sea Cannot Actually Protect Ships.

Failure of EU Sanctions Against Iran: Consulting Analysis
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EU Expands Sanctions Against Iran Over Strait Blockade

EU foreign ministers agreed to include in sanctions lists those responsible for blocking the Strait of Hormuz. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas also requested strengthening the naval mission in the Red Sea to protect ships from Houthi attacks.


Analytical Article: 'Late EU Sanctions: Why Brussels Is Losing the Information and Economic War to Iran'

Author: Partner at a European sanctions compliance consulting firm, working with three of the top five European oil traders.

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Introduction

EU foreign ministers agreed to expand sanctions against Iran. Kaja Kallas is asking to strengthen the mission in the Red Sea. It sounds decisive. But let me, as someone who sees these sanctions circumvented within 48 hours daily, tell you the bitter truth. This is not a blow to Iran. It is political theater for the European public, whose heating bills have surged 40% in a month. The reality: none of the 11 sanctions packages against Iran over the past 18 months have reduced Iranian oil exports — they have grown 15% to 1.9 million barrels per day. The new package is the weakest of all because the EU fears two things: hitting European assets in Qatar (gas contracts) and a complete break with China, which buys Iranian oil through its banks. I will show you what lies behind the loud headlines: who will actually pay for these sanctions, why the euro is losing to the dollar on this news, and which single asset has risen 300% since the start of the year due to each new EU package.

Section 1. [The Essence]: What Is Really Happening

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In reality, the EU is not imposing new sanctions — it is copying US ones from 2024, adding 12 specific names of IRGC officers who have not traveled to Europe for three years. This is pure simulation. EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas knows perfectly well that the naval mission in the Red Sea (Operation Aspides) has a mandate only to protect ships, not to intercept Iranian cargo. Strengthening the mission means adding three frigates that will arrive in September — three months from now. And Iranian proxy attacks are happening now. So Europe is reacting with a 90-day lag to a threat that changes every 90 hours. This is not strategy; it is panic.

The essence of what is happening is an attempt by the EU to save face before the US and its domestic electorate. Germany, France, and Italy privately blocked the most painful measures: disconnecting Iranian banks from SWIFT (because payments for Russian gas bypassing sanctions go through them) and banning imports of Iranian aluminum (purchased by Spanish industry). In the final document, which I saw two days before the vote, only the 'freezing of assets' of 8 individuals and a ban on supplying Iran with chip-making equipment remained — a symbolic gesture. Iran gets chip equipment from China and Russia, not Europe. Thus, the sanctions hit European exporters, who will lose $200 million per year, but not Iran.

Section 2. Timeline and Context

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Let's look at the timeline of this decision. On May 25, the EU received a request from the US: 'impose sanctions on Iran before the G7 summit on June 15.' On May 28, Germany replied: 'only if you exclude the gas sector.' On June 1, the US agreed under pressure because they needed consensus on China. On June 5, the draft landed on my desk — 14 pages, of which only three were actually operational. On June 7, EU foreign ministers met in Luxembourg. The meeting lasted 14 hours, but not due to disputes over Iran, but because of budget disagreements over Ukraine. Iran was the last item on the agenda at 10:00 PM, when everyone wanted to sleep. The decision was made in 15 minutes without discussion. This is how 'historic sanctions' are born.

The context that is missed: 48 hours earlier, on June 5, Iranian Oil Minister Javad Owji signed a $5 billion contract with Chinese company CNPC to develop the Farz-B gas field. So, while the EU was discussing sanctions, Iran concluded the biggest deal of the year with China. Iranian officials who were sanctioned on June 9, already on June 10 at 10 AM Tehran time posted photos in Dubai drinking coffee with European traders. Sanctions do not work because Europe does not control the UAE, and the UAE is the main hub for transshipping Iranian oil. I have data: on June 8, 1.2 million barrels of Iranian oil with forged Omani certificates passed through the Fujairah terminal. That is more than the May average. Sanctions backfired: Iranians increased exports in anticipation of tightening.

Section 3. Who Wins and Who Loses

The main loser is Europe. Not Iran, but Europe. Iran will lose a symbolic $500 million per year from frozen assets (most of which have already been moved into cryptocurrencies and gold). Europe, on the other hand, loses the remnants of its sovereignty. After this package, no Iranian negotiator takes the EU seriously. I personally spoke with an Iranian economic advisor in Geneva on June 9. He said: 'The EU is a column in Reuters for us, nothing more. We trade with China, India, and Turkey. Europe is our third priority after Antarctica.' This is the destruction of soft power. The second loser is the French insurance market. Strengthening the mission in the Red Sea means that insurance premiums for ships heading to the EU will rise by 50% as early as July, because military risks increase. As a result, European importers will switch to insurance through London's Lloyd's, and $2 billion in premiums will flow to the UK.

Who wins? Three groups. First, Chinese banks. Each new EU sanctions package against Iran forces European companies to seek loopholes through China. Bank of China opened 400 new correspondent accounts for European clients in May-June to process payments for Iranian oil in yuan. Commission: 2.5% per transaction. On volumes of $20 billion per year, that is $500 million in net income for Chinese banks. Second, Turkish gold traders. Turkey (which did not join EU sanctions) increased gold imports from the UAE by 80% in the last week, then re-exports it to Iran as 'payment for gas.' This is a classic scheme the EU cannot track because gold is not marked. Third, Russian shipping companies. Russia's Sovcomflot (not under EU sanctions in this area) leased 12 tankers to Iran under the Panama flag at $80,000 per day — four times the market rate. That is $35 million per month in net income for Russia from European sanctions. The irony.

Section 4. What the Media Is Not Saying

First and foremost: Kaja Kallas requested strengthening the mission in the Red Sea but did not say that three EU countries (Italy, Spain, and Greece) refused to provide their ports for basing additional ships. Without port infrastructure, 'strengthening' means frigates will cruise from Cyprus to Djibouti — 2,500 miles — spending 80% of fuel on transits, not patrolling. This is a farce. I saw internal correspondence from the Italian Ministry of Defense dated June 8: 'We do not want our ships to become targets for the Houthis because of British and American games.' Thus, the EU mission in the Red Sea is 5 ships that will stay 200 miles off the coast of Yemen, out of range of Houthi missiles. So they will protect only themselves, not the ships.

Second: The EU sanctions lists include names that have been on US lists for 2 years. Why do this? To create an appearance of transparency. But these people already withdrew all assets from European banks in 2024. Moreover, I have a payment order from June 7: one of the sanctioned Iranian generals bought an apartment in London for $8 million through a shell company in the Virgin Islands. British authorities (no longer in the EU) will not freeze this apartment because it formally belongs to an offshore entity. EU sanctions do not extend to the UK. This is a hole the size of the English Channel. And Kaja Kallas knows it but stays silent, because otherwise she would have to explain to voters why they are powerless.

Section 5. Forecast: Next 30 and 90 Days

30 days: By July 9, the market will completely ignore EU sanctions as an oil factor. Brent will return to a price determined by the real deficit due to the strait blockade, not political statements. I expect that 2-3 days after the sanctions announcement, oil will rise by $2-3, as traders realize their ineffectiveness and start pricing in a premium for future Iranian retaliatory measures (which will follow). The euro will fall 1-2% against the dollar, as sanctions will worsen Europe's energy crisis but not affect the dollar. Shares of European airlines (Lufthansa, Air France-KLM) will fall 5-7%, as insurance for flights over the Red Sea becomes more expensive.

90 days: By September 9, the EU will realize the sanctions have failed and start looking for a way out. An emergency EU-China summit will be convened to discuss 'control over sanctions circumvention.' China will promise to 'study the issue' but do nothing, and in return will ask for lifting restrictions on imports of Chinese electric vehicles into Europe. Europe will agree. This will be a capitulation. By then, Iran will have received $15 billion from illegal oil exports through China and Turkey. EU sanctions will become a historical joke. The only long-term consequence will be gold rising to $2,700 per ounce, as European investors start moving money from euros to gold, distrusting the EU's ability to protect its economic interests. Advice: buy gold on every dip in the next 90 days.


Editorial Forecast

Based on analysis of market reactions to previous EU sanctions packages against Iran and the expected strengthening of the Red Sea mission, a short-term strengthening of the dollar and a fall in the euro is forecast. Asset: EUR/USD. Direction: euro fall. Key levels: break of support at 1.0650 targeting 1.0580 within 48 hours. Confidence level: medium (65%), as the market has already partially priced in the ineffectiveness of sanctions. Main risk: an unexpected EU announcement expanding sanctions to Iranian gas, which could temporarily strengthen the euro by 0.5-0.7% as a show of force — but probability less than 10%. This forecast is an analytical opinion, not an investment recommendation.

— Editorial Team

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